Dr. Anthony Fauci Director NIAID
A global study of Remdesivir shows that this drug has some effect in blocking Coronavirus from replicating in the body. In a news conference, Dr. Anthony Fauci Director of NIAID who is the United States leading expert on Communicable Diseases said this is the best news in Threapatics right for Coronavirus right now. The Phase 1 study was just concluded according to the released news. Remdesivir is proven to block the Coronavirus in the human body. The study included 1,000 people with Coronavirus and this drug cut down the recovery time for people with Coronavirus disease compared with the placebo group. This is very good news so far for the treatment of Coronavirus on the table. The US Food and Drug Administration is currently talking to the Drug manufacturer Gilead Sciences and may issue emergency approval today or tomorrow.
ABW will Report more when more news becomes available.
Okechukwu P. Oranika
Africa Business World
By Boluwaji Obahopo
LOKOJA—Former governor of Kogi State, Capt. Idris Wada (retd.), has congratulated the incumbent, Yahaya Bello, on his Supreme Court victory last Tuesday.
He said his reason for challenging Bello up to the apex court was not borne out of selfishness but for purposes of judicial interpretation and posterity.
Wada, who spoke through his Special Adviser on Media, Mr. Jacob Edi, said: “I wish to congratulate Governor Bello on his victory and wish him a successful tenure of office.
“Our search for justice, which terminated last Tuesday, has been a long one, from the tribunal through the Appeal Court up to the Supreme Court.
“It is instructive to note that our pursuit of justice was not hinged on selfish, ethnic or such other chauvinistic sentiments.
“In the circumstance we have found ourselves, in the immediate post-election days, we were convinced about the authenticity of the mandate given to us by the people of our dear state.
“It will be on record that when we felt the mandate was not only threatened but stolen, we approached the judiciary for interpretation as provided by our laws. We have pursued our convictions to the highest court in the land.
“As patriotic citizens, we shall abide by the judicial pronouncements. No doubts, our gesture has left an indelible mark on the development of our jurisprudence.
“It is hoped that at some point in the future, our efforts will be a reference point for generations yet unborn.”
Wada thanked all his supporters, especially members of his party, Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, for standing by him.
Author: Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe. Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is visiting professor at Universidade de Fortaleza and specialist on the state and on genocide and wars in Africa in the post-1966 epoch – beginning with the Igbo genocide, 29 May 1966-12 Jan 1970
Source: Rethinking Africa
Igbo genocide, Britain and the United States
In Empire: What Ruling the World Did to the British (London: Viking, 2011), Jeremy Paxman allocates just 12 lines of his total 368-page study to British-occupied Nigeria in west Africa. But Paxman’s pithy commentary undoubtedly speaks volumes of the mindset of the occupation regime on the very eve of its presumed departure from Nigeria in October 1960. This is clearly a regime that is not prepared or willing to abandon the bounty harvest or lucre that is its Nigeria. Instead, it is exploring across a spectrum of strategies to subvert the very goal of the restoration-of-independence movement for the peoples which the Igbo, one of the constituent nations in Nigeria, had led since the 1930s.Using state archival material, Paxman presents the crux of the panoramic conversation on the subject in Lagos (Nigeria’s then capital), in January 1960, between James Robertson, the outgoing occupation governor, and visiting British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan (Paxman, 2011: 272):
|(Harold Macmillan) MACMILLAN: Are the people fit for self-government?
|(James Robertson)ROBERTSON: No, of course not.
According to Paxman, James Robertson reckons that it would take “another 20 or 25 years” for Nigeria to be “fit for self-government” (Paxman: 272; added emphasis). Instructively, this is the same Robertson who had, prior to his Lagos meeting with Macmillan, “concluded” the “terms” of the British “exit” from Nigeria in “negotiations” with the country’s restoration-of-independence movement – begun 15 years earlier and had been chaired successively by two previous occupation governors including sessions scheduled and held in England (Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, Biafra Revisited, 2006: 27-43, 121). This is the same Robertson who had just rigged the December 1959 countrywide elections in Nigeria (part of the restoration-of-independence “package”) in favour of the Hausa-Fulani north region, as Harold Smith, a member of the occupation regime in Lagos at the time, would recall years later (Harold Smith, “A squalid end to empire”, The Free Library, 1 November 2008; Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, “Elections in Africa – the voter, the court, the outcome”, 2013: 810-811). Furthermore, this is the same Robertson whose predecessor, in Lagos, had earlier rigged the countrywide census results – again, in favour of Britain’s Hausa-Fulani north regional clients (Smith, “A squalid end of empire”), aimed at ensuring that the latter, with a fabricated population majority in the country, has the “electoral clout” to safeguard for the (British)conqueror-state the vast arena of its strategic and economic assets in Nigeria in perpetuity (Ekwe-Ekwe, 2006: 18-114; Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, Readings from Reading: Essays on African Politics, Genocide, Literature, 2011: 1-6). As this study will demonstrate, this north region constitutes the core of Britain’s local clients in Nigeria, vehemently opposed to African independence – and, therefore, the British exit! Consequently, it would play a key role in the perpetration of the Igbo genocide which it undertakes in concert with Britain. Pointedly, on the broader stretch of the politics of liberation of the Southern World, during this post-Second World War epoch, the north Nigeria region has the unenviable accolade across this hemisphere of being home to one of the few peoples who wanted the continuing occupation of their lands by one of the pan-European powers of global conquest since the 15th century CE (Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, “Léopold Senghor”, The Literary Encyclopedia, 30 June 2002).
So, given James Robertson’s apparent “unfavourable prognosis” on Nigeria illustrated in Empire, Prime Minister Macmillan asks his governor for advice on the way forward for the British continuing occupation of Nigeria (Paxman: 272): “What do you recommend me to do?”
ROBERTSON: I recommend you give it to them at once.
Really? Why? Doesn’t Robertson’s suggestion to his boss sound wholly contradictory to the tract that this conclave had trodden so far? Well, no, not really… Both prime minister and governor have no disagreement, whatsoever, on holding onto British “interests” in Nigeria in perpetuity; they do not believe that they are necessarily bound by the “terms” of the envisaged British “exit” from Nigeria “negotiated” since 1945 even though, ironically, these had largely preserved British “interests”, thanks to the veto-power that its Hausa-Fulani north region subalterns would exercise in the “new” dispensation (Ekwe-Ekwe, 2006: 40-43, 121); most crucially, both men do not subscribe to the inalienable rights of Africans to recover their conquered lands.
It is the case, though, that if the British officials were to renege on their “exit” from Nigeria at this 11th hour, they would have to contend with a serious crisis – at least in the short/medium term – right there on the ground in Nigeria: “The alternative [is] that most talented people [read: the Igbo and those others elsewhere in south Nigeria who demanded and supported the drive towards unfettered restoration-of-independence for the peoples during these past 30 years] would become rebels and the British would spend the next two decades fighting to stave off what [is] inevitable, while incurring the opprobrium of the world” (Paxman: 272).
As the Lagos deliberations end, nine months before the designated British departure date (1 October 1960), both prime minister and governor needn’t agonise, too much, over the future prospects of their country’s Nigeria stranglehold. After all, despite the “talented people”, Britain is aware that it holds the trump card to defend this stranglehold via its Hausa-Fulani clients. Twice in the previous 15 years (significantly, it should be noted, during those crucial years of British “negotiations” of its “exit” from Nigeria with the “talented people”), the clients organised and unleashed pogroms against Igbo people in the northcentral town of Jos (1945) and north city of Kano (1953). Hundreds of Igbo were murdered during these massacres and tens of thousands of pounds sterling worth of their property looted or destroyed (Ekwe-Ekwe, 2006: 8, 19-20). No perpetrators of these murders were ever apprehended or punished by the occupation regime.
Six and one-half years hence, from Sunday 29 May 1966, these same British clients would unleash the genocide against the Igbo people. During the course of 44 months, 3.1 million Igbo children, women and men are murdered in this foundational and most gruesome genocide of post-(European)conquest Africa. The Igbo and the world suddenly realise that those anti-Igbo pogroms, carried out during the years of the Anglo-“talented people”-in-Nigeria doubtful restoration-of-independence negotiations, were indeed “dress rehearsals” for the 29 May 1966-12 January 1970 Igbo genocide.
Britain plays an instrumental role in the perpetration of the genocide – politically, diplomatically and militarily, and its closest international ally, the United States, as we will soon elaborate, is fully aware of its mission. Now, a new Harold-the-prime minister, this time Harold Wilson, beginning in 1964, has no qualms about the “opprobrium of the world” considered by the other Harold during those January 1960 talks with governor Robertson. Wilson’s reasons are obvious: the architecture of control and execution of mass violence in Nigeria have altered, somehow, since January 1960, and the forces on the ground spearheading the Igbo genocide are the trusted Hausa-Fulani subalterns of old in addition to their since locally expanded allies in Yoruba, Edo and Urhobo west Nigeria – not Britain, directly; precisely, what Macmillan and Robertson had sought to avoid during that Lagos summit! Declassified British state papers indicate the monstrous disposition by the Wilson government, right from the outset, to saturate the Nigerian genocidist armoury on the ground with a wide range of British weapons to ensure that the murder of the Igbo is effected most comprehensively:
In December 1967 … [British Foreign] Secretary George Thomson said that “ [the Nigerians] are most impressed with the Saladins and Ferrets” previously supplied by Britain. As a result Britain supplied six Saladin armoured personnel carriers (APCs), 30 Saracen APCs along with 2,000 machine guns for them, anti-tank guns and 9 million rounds of ammunition. Denis Healey, the Defence Secretary, wrote that he hoped these supplies will encourage the Nigerians “to look to the United Kingdom for their future purchases of defence equipment”. By the end of the year  Britain had also approved the export of 1,050 bayonets, 700 grenades, 1,950 rifles with grenade launchers, 15,000 lbs of explosives and two helicopters … In the first half of the following year,1968, Britain approved the export of 15 million rounds of ammunition, 21,000 mortar bombs, 42,500 Howitzer rounds, 12 Oerlikon guns, 3 Bofors guns, 500 submachine guns, 12 Saladins with guns and spare parts, 30 Saracens and spare parts, 800 bayonets, 4,000 rifles and two other helicopters. At the same time Wilson was constantly reassuring Gowon of British support for a United Nigeria, saying in April 1968 that “I think we can fairly claim that we have not wavered in this support throughout …”. British arms supplies were stepped up again in November . Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart said the Nigerians could have 5 million more rounds of ammunition, 40,000 more mortar bombs and 2,000 rifles. “You may tell Gowon”, Stewart instructed High Commissioner Hunt in Lagos, “that we are certainly ready to consider a further application” to supply similar arms in the future as well. He concluded: “if there is anything else for ground warfare which you… think they need and which would help speed up the end of the fighting, please let us know and we will consider urgently whether we can supply it”. Other supplies agreed in November , following meetings with the Nigerians included six Saladins and 20,000 rounds of ammunition for them, and stepped up monthly supplies of ammunition, amounting to a total of 15 million rounds additional to those already agreed. It was recognised by the Defence Minister that “the scale of the UK supply of small arms ammunition to Nigeria in recent months has been and will continue to be on a vast scale”. The recent deal meant that Britain was supplying 36 million rounds of ammunition in the last few months alone. Britain’s “willingness to supply very large quantities of ammunition”, Lord Shepherd [minister of state, foreign office] noted, “meant drawing on the British army’s own supplies”. By the end of 1968 Britain had sold Nigeria £9 million worth of arms, £6 million of which was spent on small arms … In March 1969 the government approved the export of 19 million rounds of ammunition, 10,000 grenades and 39,000 mortar bombs … Two senior British RAF officers secretly visited Nigeria in August 1969 to advise the Nigerians on “how they could better prosecute the air war” … [I]n December 1969 … Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart was calling for stepping up military assistance including the supply of more armoured cars. These supplies by Britain, he wrote, “have undoubtedly been the most effective weapons in the ground war and have spear-headed all the major [Nigerian] advances”. (Mark Curtis, “Nigeria’s war over Biafra, 1967-70”)
So as the slaughter of the Igbo intensifies, particularly in the catastrophic months of 1968-1969, Harold Wilson is totally unfazed as he informs Clyde Ferguson, the United States state department special coordinator for relief to Biafra, that he, Harold Wilson, “would accept a half million dead Biafrans if that was what it took” Nigeria to destroy the Igbo resistance to the genocide (Roger Morris, Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy, 1977: 122). Such is the grotesquely expressed diminution of African life made by a supposedly leading politician of the world of the 1960s – barely 20 years after the deplorable perpetration of the Jewish genocide in Europe. As the final tally of the murder of the Igbo demonstrates, Harold Wilson probably has the perverted satisfaction of having his Nigerian subalterns perform far in excess of the prime minister’s grim target, a subject coldly stated in Wilson’s own memoirs where he notes that the Nigerian military, equipped zealously by Britain as we have highlighted, expends more small arms ammunition in its campaign to achieve its annhilative mission in Igboland than the amount used by the British armed forces “during the whole” of the Second World War (Harold Wilson, Labour Government, 1964-1970: A Personal Record, 1971: 630, added emphasis). On this feature, Colonel Robert Scott, military advisor in the British diplomatic mission in Nigeria, during the period, acknowledges, equally gravely, that as Nigerian genocidist military forces unleash their attacks on Igbo cities, towns and villages, they are the “best defoliant agent known” (Daily Telegraph, London, 11 January 1970).
CONTINUE READING : Igbo genocide political economy of conquest and occupation – and genocide
Many Igbos and other Nigerians have lost faith in the Nigerian Experiment and many are disillusioned about the chances of attaining equity in the one Nigeria experiment which for one thing has not worked in the past. It will take one with a free mind and an escalated level of objectivity and consciousness to deductively arrive at this inescapable conclusion.
Many people see the above pictures as ultimate Anointing for Peter Obi by one and only Ikemba 1 even when it was done within the context of Anambra Politics. Can this Anointing be stretched to National Politics? Many of us ask this question whether those of us Christians can coexist with the ideology of Islam?
Many people are not able to answer or address this question and provide rationale for such existence in an environment where one religion is seen and used as a state religion and anyone who does not believe in it is regarded as Infidel and often targeted for attacks. Understandably emphasis for many peopl is focused on survivability and issues of economics which they use to justify their current status quo for being part of Nigeria.
Assuming that PDP comes to power again and Peter Obi assumes the Vice Presidential mantle, is he being positioned in for the Presidency after the era of the North? Remember that despite the fact that Nigeria practices so called Democracy, the system it uses is based on the unwritten rule of one president from the south will be succeeded by another president from the north. this is wrong if we will use such criteria it should have been one president from the north, one president from the west and one president from the east in line with existing colonies which the British amalgamated to form one Nigeria but this is not the focus point here.
But in the past Igbos have been there, you remember a man called Ekwueme and his debacle. But be that as it may the Igbos hold the answers to these questions in their own hands. Whether we seek for independence or choose to remain as part of one Nigeria the process involves much leadership skills and talent. This is our manifest destiny and whether such decision is done now or later, at some point it must be undertaken because we are free people. Nnamdi Kanu’s call for election boycott is not the answer, I see such pronouncement as exercise in futility, and an example that will produce an unfavorable result for Ndigbo.
These small minded mentality of some of our Igbo leaders and governors of today has not served us well. But this decision of remaining as part of one Nigeria or seek Independence may ultimately be made by the younger generation of Igbos and others in the Biafran territories, who seems more poised to take on the leadership mantle.
I have always observed Peter Obi’s Political moves with keen interest. His trip to the Vatican to meet and receive Papal blessings for the office he is currently seeking was a good move to many people. Until the big decision is made of whether to remain as part of Nigeria we will look up to the PDP government (If they win power again) to see if some wrongs of the past can be ameliorated) If not if Buhari remains in power, all hope may be lost by not only Igbos but many other Nigerians as well
Written by Okechukwu P. Oranika (Odezuligbo 1)
By Akanimo Sampson
The sum of US$ 5.3 million is currently hindering the World Health Organisation (WHO) from meeting urgent health needs of not less than two million people at risk.
The United Nations agency is accordingly appealing for the amount to provide life- and limb-saving interventions to massive numbers of injured patients overwhelming an already fragile health system in Gaza.
The upcoming one-year anniversary of the Great March of Return on March 30, could result in further casualties and an increase in people requiring trauma care and rehabilitation services.
Funding is urgently required to ensure the minimum resources are available to immediate health needs, as well as enhance the quality of trauma and emergency care in the Gaza Strip and reduce mortality and morbidity among an at-risk population of two million people.
“The sheer magnitude of trauma needs in Gaza is immense. Every week injured patients continue to arrive at hospitals requiring complex long-term treatment. The requested financial support will help not just to address critical service gaps but ensure that we can work with our partners to scale up treatment capacities to provide immediate lifesaving care for emergency cases and to strengthen rehabilitation,” says Dr Gerald Rockenschaub, head of WHO’s office for the occupied Palestinian territory.
Since the start of the demonstrations last March, over 29,000 people have been injured, with more than 6,500 suffering from gunshot wounds requiring long-term specialised surgical treatment and rehabilitation, for which the Gaza Strip faces persistent capacity gaps.
The massive burden of trauma casualties also affects the provision of other essential services, directly impacting capacities to provide neonatal and maternal care services and to manage chronic disease patients.
Elective surgeries have to be postponed and suspended, hospital beds are reallocated and reserved for surgical patients, health staff and ambulances have to prioritize the immediate emergency needs.
In 2018, WHO supported the Ministry of Health and the Palestine Red Crescent Society to upgrade the trauma stabilisation points (TSPs) in proximity to the fence with Israel, so that the wounded can receive life-saving treatment close to the point of injury.
The scope of interventions provided on-site at the TSPs has continuously expanded to cover triage, life- and limb-saving first aid and initial treatment and this has substantially reduced the burden on hospitals, with some 50% of the injured being treated and discharged at the TSPs.
The US$ 5.3 million will be used to build on the previous success of the WHO supported interventions and ensure better health outcomes for Palestinians through strengthened continuum of care along the pathway of trauma patients.
Dear Dr. Nwosu:
By Dayo Adesulu
The West African Examinations Council (WAEC), yesterday, in Lagos unveiled winners of the National Distinction /Merit Award.
The trio, Master Babalola David Oluwasayo, Master Alabi Philip Toluwase and Miss Nkata Lewechi Ugonma emerged first, second and third respectively among over a million candidates that sat for the May/June 2015 West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE).
Announcing the winners during its 54th Annual Meeting of Nigeria National Committee of WAEC held in Agidingbi, Lagos, the Head, National Office, WAEC, Mr Olu Adenipekun said: “Babalola who emerged first in eight subjects scored 673,7626.
He also stated that Alabi in eight subjects scored 667,1802, while Nkata in eight subjects scored 660,2430 to emerge second and third respectively.
Babalola who is presently studying Medicine and Surgery at the University of Ibadan, UI had his secondary education at Oritamefa Baptist Model School, Ibadan, Oyo State.
On his part, Alabi who is also studying Medicine and Surgery at the University of Ibadan, UI had his secondary school education at Our Lady and St Francis Catholic College, Osogbo, Osun State.
Also, Nkata from Loyola Jesuit College, Federal Capital Territory, Abuja that emerged third is presently studying Chemical engineering at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom.
A new controversy is now brewing between the US Governors and President Trump over who had the ultimate power and final decision to open back the US economy. President Trump maintains he as the leader of the Federal Government has the authority but some US governors say the Constitution grants them powers over state matters and local issues. Trump is about to weigh the decision to open back the US economy following Lockdowns from COVID 19 Virus. Eventually the Supreme Courrt may rule over such disagreement.
A new Chemical attack allegations have been made against the Syrian government of Assad. The attacks allegedly occurred on Saturday Night April 7th according to the reports made by a Syrian “White Helmet organization” which tweeted the following words, accompanied by several photo images
“entire families in shelters gassed to death in #Douma #EastGhouta hiding in their cellars, suffocated from the poisonous gas bringing the initial death toll to more than 40.”
“The State Department says it is monitoring reports of a possible chemical weapons attack that may have killed dozens of civilians in the Syrian city of Douma” The released statement noted,
“We continue to closely follow disturbing reports on April 7 regarding another alleged chemical weapons attack, this time targeting a hospital in Douma, Syria,” State Department spokesperson Heather Nauert said.
Other reports coming out of Syria, also confirmed the attacks some said that large number of casualties mostly women and young children were gassed to death.
The last time Assad government used Chemical attacks against its citizens resulted in a swift response from Donald Trump when some cruise Missiles were fired on Syrian Targets.
According to more news report, “More than 80 people were killed in a suspected chemical attack on the rebel-held town of Khan Sheikhoun in north-western Syria on 4 April”
ABW will bring you more on this when we receive an update